Storm on the Island Essay Example for Free

Storm on the Island Essay The poets, who wrote the four poems in question, all put forward their personal views upon the aspect(s) of nature which their pieces are themed around. In Seamus Heaneys poem, Storm on the Island, the theme is implied simply in the title. Heaneys poem explores the effects a storm has upon island dwellers where there is no natural shelter. He relates how weak and defenceless we humans are compared to these natural happenings. The way in which we are forced to shelter and protect ourselves from this nothing which has the power and might to change everything in our lives. The unmistakable sense of peoples fear of natures fury is shown throughout the poem. Human and Nature seem to be at war with each other- nature versus man- with Nature the dominant adversary but humans still grimly hanging on. The two sides almost appear to be at a stalemate. For try as it might, the storm has not beaten man- and man can only find means to protect himself- being too weak to retaliate. Heaney presents the storm as an unwanted and vicious foe but does recognize Natures absolute and unrivalled power. Nature is shown to be brutal, strong and overpowering- without mercy to the island dwellers. The other post 1914 poem- The Field Mouse by Gillian Clarke, presents a view which totally opposes Heaneys idea of Nature dominating over man and man being the victim. In fact it completely reverses the idea and has instead man being the one at fault, and shows Natures innocent beings (e. g. the field mouse) as the ones who suffer because of our stupidity and greed. It portrays how the innocence of the vulnerable is shattered by stronger forces through the story of a field mouse fatally injured by a harvester. She presents humans as the tyranny- the plague of nature- destroyers of lives, beauty and innocence through our greed, arrogance and selfish ignorance to the people and things around us- nature as the wronged- the helpless- the meek. Clarkes poem compared to the less descriptive- though just as effective Storm on the Island are very similar in theme, as both concentrate on the seeming battle between man and nature- though the poets are in different minds on who is the most destructive. Heaney concentrates on the natural occurrences that disrupt and destruct peoples lives- but are unavoidable- whereas Clarke focuses on the destruction and consequences Humans force upon nature and the innocent. The actions which are not unavoidable and could easily be averted. Each of the four poems are set out in different styles and structure to add to the overall effect of the poems. Storm on the Island is mostly blank verse. Twenty lines without rhyme, but which is structured in strict iambic pentameter of 10 beats per line. This produces an almost methodical and solemn rhythm to the poem which adds to the seriousness of the situation the Island dwellers find themselves in, for if they did not devise methods of protecting themselves from Natures fury, it could be fatal to them. The field mouse however differs. Gillian Clarke sectioned the poem into three stanzas beginning, middle and end. The first stanza introduces the separate scenes of haymaking and war and compares the two. Though haymaking initially is thought of to be a peaceful and naturalistic event, Clarke manages to turn usually innocent images into deadly, warlike scenes.E. g. summer, the long grass is a snare drum. When the idea of summer is presented, we generally perceive a warm, happy peaceful time- as with long grass, we think naturalistic scenes. Long grass is home to plenty of creatures- snakes, rabbits, pheasants, mice etc. As it is home to many creatures and it is therefore considered a safe haven for them. However, Clarke dispels this idea and instead of having it safe, has it a snare drum. Snare- entrapping, harsh- warlike. Drum conjures up the idea of marching to war- the drums in the background providing the solemn funeral like March. The 2nd stanza introduces the mouse injured by their hay making- caught in the tractors blade. An innocent creature killed because of humans. Due to the underlying images and hints of war in the previous stanza, our minds are tuned to this idea of war destroying the innocent, so when given a mouse killed by humans, we think of the innocent civilians who are caught in the crossfire of the war in Europe who have nothing to do with the conflict but ironically due to being neutral are hurt. The third stanza portrays the consequences of our actions upon nature- Before the days gone, the field lies bleeding, The dusk garden inhabited by the saved, voles, frogs, a nest of mice. It disconcertingly again tunes our minds to human war- the refugees fleeing their homes to escape death or injury. The destruction and woe that war brings- the field lies bleeding- And again our poisonous actions on nature. The poem is highly metaphorical- using combinations of varied linguistic devices to achieve its end ambition of procuring a sense of guilt and remorse in the reader. Metaphors and personification (e. g. the field lies bleeding) are used with great skill- blending two similar stories into one. By using a simple field mouse injured by a harvester in summer to represent innocent civilians casualties caused by caught in the cross fire of a war they play no part in, she evokes feelings of pity and shame inside the reader which then also transfers on to the civilians. She also produces scenes of natural innocence and transforms them into images desecrated by human hands (e. g. a child running through killed flowers and the death of the mouse) to embed her point of our contamination and cruelty upon nature and its creations. Her choice of language is also highly emotive and the feelings of shame and guilt rest largely upon her language. Perhaps this is merely a coincidence, but I received the impression, that the two pre 1914 poems were much more idyllic nature wise and were more centred upon the beauty and creations, whereas the other two struck me to be more about human interference with nature and the affect nature has on human lives. This is almost definitely due to the huge world wars of 1914 onwards which took place and the after shocks which followed. Though this is only a guess, it would explain the rather sudden change on the outlook of our lives and nature. Millions of people had died suffered and had had their homes destroyed- creating misery, devastation and thousands of refugees. Storm on the Island even has some likeness to the Blitz. Having to build improved safer shelters to protect themselves from the bombardment and rage of the storm reminds us rather of people having to build air raid shelters and take refuge in the underground to protect themselves from the deadly bombings in world war two.

Journalism: News Access And Source Power

Journalism: News Access And Source Power In the study of mass communication, there has been a continuous debate about the more or less powerful effects of the media on the public. This power is not restricted to the influence of the media on their audiences, but also involves the role of the media within the broader framework of the social, cultural, political or economic power structures of society. Ideally, a media system suitable for a democracy ought to provide its readers with some coherent sense of the broader social forces that affect the conditions of everyday life. However, it is difficult to find anyone who even remotely approaches this ideal (Gamson et al, 1992). The overwhelming conclusion is that the media generally operate in ways that promote apathy, cynicism and quiescence, rather than active citizenship and participation. This essay will explore the evidence that is offered that suggests why the nature of source/media relations matters in environmental issues and non-governmental organisations. It will also look at why communications and media researchers continue to investigate the topic and why source/media relations are important. Media discourse analysis has traditionally focused on the news product. These studies have not only yielded important insights into the structure (Bell 1991, 1998), function (Jaworski, Fitzgerald and Morris, 2003; Khalil, 2006) and effect (Fairclough, 1995; van Dijk, 1998) of media language, but have also described micro level aspects such as the mechanics of turn-taking, repair and pause length in news interviews (Clayman and Heritage, 2002). Recently, however, the scope of media discourse analysis has started to broaden to include the complex discursive practices that lie at the heart of the news production process. Additionally, with the advent of new technologies, crucial ingredients of the news production process are now being opened up to researchers, with corporate websites parading massive press release archives and internet based news agencies and e-mail distribution services spreading breaking news in real time to whoever is interested in it (Geert, 1999). News access and news selection are the yin and yang of news production studies (Geert, 1999). Cottle (2000b) distinguishes the sociological and a culturalist paradigm in theories of news access. While the former investigates news access in terms of strategic and definitional power, examining patterns of news access, routines of news production and processes of source intervention the latter theorises news access in terms of cultural and ritual power, [sensitive], to the symbolic role of news actors and how they perform/enact within the conventions and textual structures of news representation ritual, story, narrative (pp. 28-9). News sociology has a long standing tradition. Early, seminal studies of deviance (Becker, 1963), newsworthiness (Galtung and Ruge, 1973), news management (Schudson, 1978), hegemony (Hall et al, 1978) paved the way for political economy views of corporate control (Herman and Chomsky, 1988) and mediatisation (Thompson, 1995) on the one hand, and social constructionist approaches to news production (Gitlin, 1980) on the other. The classic newsroom ethnographies of the 1970s and 1980s (Tunstall, 1971; Tuchman, 1972, 1978; Gans, 1979; Golding and Elliot, 1979; Fishman, 1980; Erickson, Baranek and Chan, 1987) crystallised a radical moment in the historical development of news study. Taken together these studies forced attention to the structural and institutional forces at play in newsrooms, focusing on how news is an organisational and bureaucratic accomplishment of routine (Cottle, 2000a, p. 21). For example, Tuchman (1972) sees source dependence as a strategic ritual, borne out of a pro fessional ideology allowing journalists to frame their work as objective accounts of news events. According to Geert (1999), while this early generation of social scientists drove home the importance of professional routines, norms and settings of news production, other scholars have pointed to theoretical blind spots. With new technologies being introduced in newsrooms (Pavlik, 2000), come new concepts of journalistic practice (Carlson, 2007), leading to questions of continued theoretical validity and calls for updating newsroom ethnography (Cottle, 2000a; Zelizer, 2004). Schudson (2005) has warned against the dangers of a reductionist or determinist approach to the media in which the news production process is seen as the direct result of underlying economic and political forces. Such an approach does not account for the agency of journalists as social actors, which, given in todays changing news ecology, is especially pressing. Indeed, it could be argued that, from an analytical point of view, media sociology has largely disregarded journalistic agency in favour of organisatio nal and institutional levels of analysis. Recently, however, some scholars have pointed their attention to alternative theories of cultural production, most prominently, Bourdieus field theory (Couldry, 2003; Benson, 2006; Hesmondhalgh, 2006; Neveu, 2007). In contradistinction of grand sociological debates, cultural and anthropological studies of news production such as Peterson (2001) and Stà ¥hlberg (2002) apply notions of social mediation, cultural production and reflexivity in analysing the situated practices of media production and consumption. This burgeoning field which has come to be identified as media anthropology (Askew and Wilk, 2002; Ginsburg, Abulughod and Larkin, 2002; Peterson, 2003; Rothenbuhler and Coman, 2005; Boyer and Hannerz, 2006) theorises the ethnography of media production as an emergent effort, to talk about the agency of media producers within a cultural system while still recognising their embeddedness in larger structures of power, (Peterson, 2003, p. 164). van Dijk (1990) notes that a brief conceptual analysis is needed in order to specify what notions of power are involved in such an approach to the role of the news media. Social power as van Dijk explains is summarily defined as a social relation between groups or institutions, involving the control by a (more) powerful group or institution (and its members) of the actions and the minds of (the members) a less powerful group. Such power generally presupposes privileged access to socially valued resources, such as force, wealth, income, knowledge or status. van Dijk goes on to explain that media power is generally symbolic and persuasive, the sense that the media primarily have the potential to control to some extent the minds of readers or viewers, but not directly their actions. Except in cases of physical, coercive force, the control of action, which is usually the ultimate aim of the exercise of power, is generally indirect, whereas the control of intentions, plans, knowledge, bel iefs or opinions that is mental representations that monitor overt activities is presupposed. Also, van Dijk (1990) notes that given the presence of other sources of information, and because the media usually lack access to the sanctions that other such as legal or bureaucratic-institutions may apply in cases on noncompliance, mind control by the media can never be complete. On the contrary, psychological and sociological evidence suggests that despite the pervasive symbolic power of the media, the audience will generally retain a minimum of autonomy and independence and engage more or less actively, instead of purely passively, in the use of the means of mass communication. In other words, whatever the symbolic power of the news media, at least some media users will generally be able to resist such persuasion. Another notion in the analysis of media power is that of access. According to van Dijk (1990), it has been shown that power is generally based on special access to valued social resources. Thus, controlling the means of mass communication is one of the crucial conditions of social power in contemporary information societies. Indeed, besides economic or other social conditions of power, social groups may be attributed social power by their active or passive access to various forms of public, other influential or consequential discourse, such as those of the mass media, scholarship or political and corporate decision making (p. 12). Although ordinary people may make use of the news media, they generally have no direct influence on news content, nor are they usually the major news actors of news reports (van Dijk, 1990). Elite groups or institutions, on the other hand, may be defined by their broader range and scope of patterns of access to public or other important discourses and communicative events. Leading politicians, managers, scholars or other professionals have more or less controlled access to many different forms of text and talk, such as meetings, reports, press conferences or press releases. This is especially true for their access to media discourse. Journalist will seek to interview them, ask their opinion, and thus introduce them as major news actors or speakers in news reports. If such elites are able to control these patterns of media access, they are by definition more powerful than the media. On the other hand, those media that are able to control access to elite discourse, in such a way that elites become dependent on them in order to exercise their own power, may in turn play their own role in the power structure. In other words, major news media may themselves be institutions of power and dominance, with respect not only to the public at large, but also to other elite institutions. (van Dijk, 1990, p. 12). For some areas like risk and the environment as well as issues like trade unions which are non-governmental organisations, media discourse is to a significant extent, a discourse dependent upon the voices of official experts. Environmental organisations, non-governmental organisations, industry, scientists, and government offer their own particular competing accounts of the reality of the situation. Issues concerning differential access to the news media are crucial when considering who comes to define the event. Accordingly, the following examines news/source media relations as it relates to 1) environmental issues and 2) non-governmental and the various news sources involved in influencing the symbolic representation of public issues. News/Source Media Relations and Environmental Issues Over recent decades a growing environmental promotion industry has emerged, alongside an increasing emphasis upon environmental advocacy. A number of information crises (eg. The Exxon Valdez disaster in 1989) have forced sections of industry to take a more proactive approach to environmental communications as potent imagery has directed contradicted assurances that environment protection is not compromised by their activities (Anderson, 1991). At the same time, the public exhibit a growing sense of distrust of scientists (Beck, 1992). The sense of distrust has partly emerged from news media formats that favour confrontational dialogue among experts and offer the public little means of evaluating opposing viewpoints. There has been a tendency to display the debates in dramatic, sensational headlines rather than a considered approach that furthers public understanding of the issues (Anderson, 1991). The sheer complexity of many environmental issues acts as a major constraint, particula rly considering that relatively few journalists reporting on these matters possess a scientific background (Anderson, 1997; Nelkin, 1995; Peters, 1995). The news media possess a great responsibility in relaying scientific issues to the public, since they contribute a major source of information about science within our society (Adam, 1991). Through their mediation, interpretation and translation of otherwise in accessible knowledge into a publicly accessible form, news workers are not only prime sources of public information but also the principal social; theorists of contemporary industrial societies. As such, they carry a heavy burden, a responsibility they are poorly equipped to provide and that does not sit comfortably with their own self-perception. That is their understanding of themselves as harbingers of news, disseminators of matter of human interest and providers of a critical perspective on the more shady aspects of socio-political and socio-economic life (p. 125). Routine news media reporting of environmental issues is often mediated through the expert as the voice of authority. However, it is important to note the ways in which the news media present certain expert voices as being self-evidently authoritative whilst competing views are frequently portrayed as non-credible, irrational and partisan. This can have the effect of discouraging critical thinking and the brushing aside of lay views. However, as Beck (1992) observes there are some grounds for optimism since the media also potentially play a part of opening up the critique of science and exposing conflicts of opinion and ideological standpoints. At the same time research suggests that while official news sources may not automatically enjoy the most statistically prominent level of news coverage, they are far more likely to appear in news formats where they enjoy a larger degree of editorial control. Also they tend to provide analytical knowledge as opposed to subjective/experiential kn owledge (Cottle, 1999). It has been frequently observed that the news media representation of environmental issues is pre-occupied with bad news. Much environmental coverage is centred on events rather than issues (Hansen, 1990, 1999; Molotch and Lester, 1975; Singer and Endreny, 1987). This partly reflects the fact that much news coverage is based on a 24 hour cycle and especially applies to television news (Anderson, 1997). This orientation towards events may encourage audience members to place blame upon particular companies or individuals within a company, rather than see this in terms of broader structural problems. One such example is the Exxon Valdez disaster with event-centred coverage. Coverage of the oil spill tended to be framed around the allegation that it was caused by the drunken state of the Captain, Joseph Hazelwood. This played down other possible angles concerning cutbacks in maritime safety standards or the oil industrys poor capacity to clean up large oil spills in areas such as the Pri nce William Sound (Dyer et al, 1991; Hannigan, 1995). News media representations of the environment are also influenced by socio-political and cultural factors. Particular issues or events that capture attention tend to be mediagenic and can be easily situated within the established institutional framework. Often these resonate with deeply held cultural beliefs and values that operate at a powerful symbolic level. Another key aspect of news discourse, which particularly applies to television, is the reliance upon strong visual images to capture the audiences interest. In many cases the availability and quality of pictures becomes a central factor affecting broadcasters judgements about the news worthiness of a given environmental issue and is especially salient for short news bulletins. Political agendas and the perceived importance that politicians place upon particular issues also influence news values. Routine reporting on environmental issues is to a significant extent based around the voices of official experts, particularly indivi duals within government departments who are more likely to gain extended news actor entry through, for example, appearing in live interviews (Cottle, 1999). Since the late 1970s environmental pressure groups in countries such as Britain and the United States (US) have become increasingly in their approaches to the news media. Particularly, they have become more adept at packaging their material in media friendly ways. Some groups have enjoyed some notable successes in manipulating news values to their own ends, but this has imposed significant constraints in terms of how they have been able to frame issues (Gramson and Modigliani, 1989). Issue sponsors, such as environmental pressure groups, play a key role in communicating environmental affairs. These competing sources have differing levels of information subsidies in terms of resources such as cost and time, which affects how far the media rely upon them on as routine basis. Ericson et al (1989) note: News is a product of transactions between journalists and their sources. The primary source of reality for news is not what is displayed or what happens in the real world. The reality of news is embedded in the nature and type of social and cultural relations that develop between journalists and their sources (p. 189). Many studies of environmental reporting have found a tendency for official sources to gain the most privileged access to the media (Anderson, 1997). Molotch and Lesters (1975) seminal study of the press coverage of the Santa Barbara Oil Spill found that federal officials and industry spokespersons gained more access to the media, compared with local officials or conservationists. However, they note that initially an accident may bypass the usual routine bias towards official frames due to its unexpected nature. This suggests that non-routine environmental reporting may, in some instances, open up new channels to groups who may often be marginalised within the media. This was found to be the case in the United Kingdom (UK) national press coverage of the seal plague a virus, which killed a large number of common seals of the Norfolk coast in the UK during the summer of 1988 (Anderson, 1991, 1997). The way in which the seal plague came to serve as an icon for an environment in crisis s hares some striking similarities to the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The seal plague, with its emotive, visual appeal came to mark an issue threshold for environmental issues in the late 1980s. This was strongly linked to the cultural and political climate at the time. It generated much media coverage and one national mid market newspaper The Daily Mail launched a sustained campaign Save our Seals, which ran over several months. As such it can be seen that the reporting of environmental issues within the news media cannot be divorced from socio-political values regarding the environment. News/Source Media Relations and Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) Just like environmental issues seek the piece of the pie when it comes to the media, NGOs also seek to have their stories told in the media. However, in discussing news/source media relations, it must be noted that over generalising when discussing NGOs must be avoided. As Deacon (2001) notes the relative importance of profile, resource and motives in the communications strategies of different NGOs is to some extent dictated by the specific context of their operations. Additionally, there are also structural variations, reflecting the different political and economic roles of various NGO sectors. Deacon address source/media relations as it relates to three types of NGOs namely, trade unions, the voluntary sector and quasi-autonomous non-governmental organisations (quangos). He points out the first broad acceptance that these disparate groups, organisations and movements have proliferated in many political systems over recent decades, and in doing so have assumed greater social and po litical significance (Deacon, 2001, p. 8). However, where there is disagreement is whether these represent positive developments. Some commentators construe them as revitalising pluralist democracy, or challenging centuries of elite control. Others see this change as more of a mixed blessing. In Berrys assessment interest groups are no less a threat than they are an expression of freedom (1984, p. 2). The second point of consensus relates to the reasons for the proliferation of these organisations. Various commentators point to, on the one hand, the widening of educational opportunities and concomitant rise of sophisticated citizenry (Mazzolena and Schultz, 1999), and on the other, emergent environmental, material, social and ideological conflicts both within, and between, advanced capitalist nation states (Blumler and Gurevitch, 1996, p. 126-7) These have produced a shift away from party-based politics, towards other forms of political engagements and the rise of issue politics. Th irdly, theorists from all perspectives acknowledge variation in these processes across different political systems, due to historical, cultural, structural and political factors (Eyerman and Jamison, 1991, p. 36). Additionally most accept that the influence of specific types of interest groups/pressure groups/social movements/ or NGOs tend to fluctuate over time (Deacon, 2001). The final point of agreement is that public communications are now integral to the operations of these political sources, and that the media have particular significance. Blumler (1989) labels this as the emergence of a media-centric model of pressure group activity. Deacon (1991) explains as the social and political roles of many NGOs expand so do the pressure and expectations upon them which in turn create a range of specific communications imperatives to do with establishing a political presence and attracting resources among others. For some NGOs, increased investment in strategic communication represents a defensive response to harsh political realities, in which they can no longer assume their views will have political resonance. Additionally, as a consequence of broader political, social and fiscal uncertainties, a diverse range of private and public institutions are becoming ever more concerned with image maintenance and achieving a prominent and positive public presence. In this new and competitive promotional environment (Wernik, 1991), media engagement has become a significant prerequisite for effective political engagement, particularly for those without direct access to the levers of political and economic power (McNair, 1998, p. 156 ). In what Blumler and Gurevitch label a communication dependent society certain organisations and institutions enjoy distinct competitive advantages in promoting their views and values. In particular, those with the greatest material resources at their disposal most notably state and big business can launch and sustain the most expensive and extensive paid media access. However, free media access can disrupt this market logic, providing opportunities for the resource-poor agencies to achieve levels of national and international exposure that even the best resource could not fund directly. Additionally there are also other considerations such as profile, resource and issue to be taken into account. However, as Deacon (2001) points out these various communications considerations will not apply uniformly across NGOs. For example, the precise blend of resource, profile and issue motives will vary depending on a range of factors, some of which will be highly context specific. The relative importance of profile, resource and issue motives in the communications strategies of different NGOs is to some extent dictated by the specific context of their operations. However, there are also structural variations, reflecting the different political and economic roles of various NGO sectors. For example, Deacon highlights that most quangos receive direct statutory funding, they will tend to place less emphasis on financial resourcing motives than voluntary organisations, where dependency on public and corporate giving is high, and their financial state is generally more parlous. On another level, trade unions will tend to be more comfortable with open issue campaigning than voluntary organisa tions and quangos, partly because of their primary political function, but also because they are not bound by conventions and regulations governing neutral public management and non-party-political charitable activity. Davis (1995) suggests that the salience of communications media strategies can also depend upon the nature and political context of the matter at hand. They are most crucial in policy struggles that are highly ideological and involve (at least for one participant) non-material, non-distributive goods: Policy battles that range over intangible goals and values, such as the abortion issue, tend to evolve into virulently zero sum affairs. Such zero-sum politics, because of the heated struggle for competitive advantage that often marks it, relies heavily on pre-decisional, communication oriented efforts to frame or construct issues (p. 28). Another significant factor can be the relationship between an organisation and the dominant institutions of state. In an influential categorisation, Grant suggests that pressure groups can be placed along a continuum that reflects their relationship to government. However as Deacon (1991), warns if media prominence can deliver advantages to NGOs, there are associated risks. The most obvious of which is receiving negative and hostile treatment, which can compromise an organisations reputation. In this respect some NGOs are more valuable than others. A trade union for instance, that can depend on the complete solidarity of its members has less immediate grounds for fearing the spate of media opprobrium than a charity that is entirely dependent upon public donations. On a less obvious level, there is the possibility that courting media attention, and playing the media game, can have an effect upon organisations core values. Miller (1997) suggests that this can be particularly threatening for radical organisations, there The suspicion within the organisation that newly visible spokespersons might become infatuated with their own celebrity and have sold out is never far from the surface. But this observation about the potentially corrupting influence of media logic also applies to organisations operating in the political mainstream. Blumler (1989) terms the risk of spurious amplification, a process by which inflammatory rhetoric and extravagant demands to make stories more arresting, distort what groups stand for, (p. 352). Until recently, evaluations of media coverage of trade union sector in the UK tended to fall into two camps the critical research position which enjoyed considerable theoretical dominance during the 1970s and the revisionist critique which emerged during the 1980s (Manning, 1998). More recently a third position has started to form which conforms to what Curran (1997) labels a radical pluralist perspective. The latter negotiates a position between the extremes of critical outrage and revisionist sanguinity (Manning, 1998; Davies, 1999; Negrine 1996). Although these studies also analyse the quantitative and qualitative dimensions of news coverage of industrial disputes, their main contribution has been to go beyond the texts to investigate the dynamics of news production directly by examining the links between journalistic practices and trade unions communications strategies. Such insights have been largely absent from most critical and revisionist accounts (Cottle, 1993). The value of this new perspective is illustrated by Davies (1999) case study of media reporting of the British governments proposal in 1992 for privatising the postal service. These plans were strongly opposed by the Union of Communication Workers (UCW), who instituted a carefully orchestrated public relations (PR) campaign against the privatisation programme. Davies content analysis revealed that although UCW sources came to be treated more positively or neutrally that either government or management sources as the dispute unfolded, the union received considerably less coverage than their political opponents. These results suggest that the recruitment of mainstream, media support to the anti-privatisation cause was due to elite divisions within the party of government and the vehemence of public antipathy. The union benefitted from wider political developments, it did not instigate them. However, by linking analysis of media reporting to an analysis of the unions communication strat egy, Davies shows the error of this interpretation. The unions PR strategy played a key role in galvanising public, party political, professional and expert opinion against the privatisation proposals, which in turn had significant effect on media framing. In particular, by commissioning polls and lobbying influential opinion leaders, the union bypassed the need for institutional legitimacy and direct access. Instead they gained a voice by using the legitimacy and access possessed by other sources: the public, economic experts, politicians and assorted neutral user groups, (p. 182). Mannings research also provides an overview of contemporary trends in media relations and identifies two ideals of union structure. On the one hand, there are unions where press and publicity functions are marginalised and rigidly trapped within a civil society service style hierarchy , and on the other, organisations that permit a higher degree of integration for their media and PR operations with their organisational leadership. These differences can in part be explained by the dilemma of incorporation unions have had to confront in their response to the harsh political realities they face. In this period of his research, Manning found a stubborn residue of suspicion within certain unions towards the media that readily characterised journalists as inevitable class enemies, working at the behest of state and capitalist interests. Thus, the embrace of promotionalism in this context is not an act of assertion, but of defence: attempting to avoid marginalisation in a changing political and economic context (Deacon, 2001). It is also clear from Mannings work that journalists perceptions of the political role and characteristics of trade unions frames their utilisation as news sources, and helps account for the predominant emphasis on their collective rather than constructive roles. A distinction developed by Peter Golding and Deacon (1994), identifies trade unions as advocates by jour nalists. As news discourse is inherently conflictive this can enhance their news value in political disputes. However, this clear perception of unions political role prevents their deployment as arbiters in news coverage. Therefore, to influence the terms of media debate at this level, Davies demonstrates in his case study, that trade unions often have to recruit the support of external experts to validate their arguments. Additionally, for such a strategy to work, it is often necessary to maintain a degree of public dissociation between the union and the expert, for fear that any links may erode the perceived authoritativeness of the latters proclamations. This trend contrasts with common strategies deployed within the voluntary sector, where publicists strive to encourage a situation of association between the work of a voluntary organisation and the views of significant public figures. The main studies thus far into reporting of the voluntary sector suggests that there is limited but indulgent treatment, based on an antiquated impression of the sector. As Brindle (1999) notes It is as if the media do not want the sector to grow up. Coverage remains very much stuck in the 1950s charity time warp of good cause fundraising, lifeboats, guide dogs and helping sick children. Even on the broadsheet national newspapers, there is a clear antipathy to stories that treat the leading charities as the big businesses they have become, (p. 44). Looking at trends in media reporting towards communications and media strategies in the sector, Deacon notes an increasing emphasis on public communication similar to that noted in the union sector is eviden t. However, the embrace of promotionalism appears more uneven. As Davies suggests, it is tempting to simply conclude that in free media just as in paid media, financial resources deliver insurmountable competitive advantages to those who hath. The fact that the media

Patricia Hill Collins Views On Feminism

Patricia Hill Collins Views On Feminism As a standpoint feminist, Patricia Hill Collins continuously argues that feminist studies should be practiced from the standpoint of women or particular groups of women who are not as egocentric to think they understand certain aspects of the world. Because of the differences that women have, many standpoint feminist now recognize this division of women and how it is impossible to claim one universal experience for women. Sexism occurs so miraculously that it is important to view it in relation to other systems of domination and analyze how it interacts with other classes in Collins matrix of domination. Collins does this through the thought of black feminist point of view. Collins is embedded in this idea that despite long standing claims by aristocrats; women, African Americans, Latinos, and other downgraded groups in America remain incapable of producing the type of analytical thought that is labeled as a feminist theory. People with powerful knowledge of resistance trampled former social structures of social and cultural inequality abandon this view. Members of these downgraded groups do in fact theorize and our critical social theory has been central to political empowerment and the search for justice. This led to Collins publishing Black Feminist Thought. Collins is above all concerned with the relationship among empowerment, knowledge, and self-definition with a primary focus on black women. It is the oppression with which she is most personally familiar. But Collins is also one of the few Standpoint and Social thinkers who are able to rise above their own experience. She challenges us with a significant view of oppression and other views that no t only has the possibility of changing the world but also of opening up the likelihood of continuous change. To her, for change to be continuous, it cant be exclusively focused on one social group. In other words, to be continuous, a social movement that is only concerned with racial inequality will end its influence once equality for that group is achieved. Collins gives us a way of transcending specific politics that is based upon Black Feminist Epistemology. Her intent is to place black womens experiences in the center of analysis without privileging those experiences. Basically we can learn from black womens knowledge. There are so many major trends that influence her to do so much of her work. She has sociological significance in a few different areas of which the content of her ideas has been influenced by on-going dialogue in many sociological societies. This has showed that in some way women are gaining more of a voice. For instance in her popular book From Black Power to Hip-Hop: Racism, Nationalism, and Feminism, this examines the debated spaces of racism, feminism, nationalism, and popular culture in an attempt to expand the struggle for a truly democratic society for the whole universe. She highlights specific themes to truly hint the struggle of place in society. The book is divided into 3 parts: Race, Family, and the US; Ethnicity, Culture, and Black Nationalist politics; and Feminism, Nationalism, and African American women. She is careful with words, she reclaims the term Black women for its globalizing potential to include more than America women of African descent. She redefines the g roup, she states, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦a unifying language that women of African descent and women who are rendered socially Black [in and outside the US] can use to describe their needs as racial and ethnic women (Collins 23). With this said early on in the book, one anticipates a broader view to reframe black feminist thought in the global eye. Not necessarily to analyze everything but to at least rethink the effects of transnational migration on urban environments in America. Collins highlights these shifts in black identity, in ways of how we discuss black experience, race relations, and how contemporary feminist redefine themselves as women of color. In spite of that, Collins sticks closely to the familiar ground of African American urban communities and their related feminist theories and practices. She is concerned with the development of contemporary black feminist thought into social movement and its expansion into multiracial collective identity politics. Hip Hop is the dominant cultural expression in many black womens lives, but it is just one part in the complex of her matrix of domination. Because of our influence of Hip-Hop and other trends of society she tries to influence us to put into practice the collective identity of politics. She tries to influence into creating a group base identity while avoiding group based essentialism. She wants us to detach ourselves from this intricate and worldwide place of domination without falling into more temptation. It doesnt seem like she has many forerunners that truly influence her to do all of what she has done. She is more influenced by herself. She gives her opinion of what she thinks females (mostly black females) need to achieve and prove, and how others should understand and learn. As mention before she operates on the Matrix of Domination. This is a sociological theory that explains issues of oppression that deal with race, gender, and class. Even though these issues are classified differently they all are connected in a way. Other forms such as age, sex, gender, and religion apply to this too. Collins introduces this in her book Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and Politics of Empowerment. Many feminist have contributed a great deal of research to help her in an advantage. Although, it seems Collins has had a little bit of help from Alice Walker and her view of black women and feminism, in which she changes to Womanism. Walkers construction of Womanism was an attempt to establish the true black woman in history and culture and to change the negative and inaccurate stereotypes that are given to black women. Walker lists the black woman as a thinking subject who is always seeking knowledge. She interrogates the epistemological exclusions she endures in intellectual life and general and feminist intelligence. Walker also highlights the black womans strength, capability, and independence. Opposed to feminism, Womanism presents an alternative for black women by framing their survival through men and women. In Black Feminist Thought, Collins states, Many black women view feminism as a movement that at best is exclusively for women, and, at worst, dedicated to attacking or eliminating menà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Womanism seemingly supplies a way for black women to address gender-oppression without attacking black men (Collins 11). Collins seems agreeable in this case of Womanism and seems to be that Alice Walker is a versatile influence upon her. Collins goes into a lot of depth about Womanism in her book, a great impact on the Matrix of Domination. Patricia Hill Collins outlined America Black Feminism through the expression in music, fiction, poetry, and oral history. She continuously saw and pointed out three themes. The oppressions are interconnected greatly through the different points. Black women create alternative world views for self-definition and self determination. Black women also have often incorporated imposed and restraining definitions of who they are. They especially do this by revitalizing concepts of beauty, skin color, and physical body notions. Collins also points to areas that have been overlooked many times. Gender roles within family and work, politics, violence, and homophobia all need to be revitalized also. Collins draws on black womens experiences and voices to explain concepts that have been obscured institutionally and ideologically. Her interdisciplinary methodology engages an analytical approach to domination and subordination. She rejects defensive thought because either/or thinking categorizes people, things, and ideas in terms of their differences from each other. She stresses the both/and analysis because it could transform the way in which we think about the claims in knowledge. Her work has made Afro-centric and feminist thought more liable, broader in view, and more essential. She forces her readers to think differently and to reexamine the way in which truth and knowledge are thought to be, produced, and approved. This helps us to realize the importance of our gender society. This is some knowledge of why she seems to be an important figure in the evolution of gender studies. She gives her opinion with valuable information to back it up. Collins largely devotes a significant amount of work to present intellectual ideas mixed with everyday life ideas in an accessible way. This gives more of an encouragement for black females and other races to say what they feel, to give their opinion straightforward as can be. Her book Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment seems to be one of the most contributing books that she has published for the general public, but with a focus for black women. She reanalyzes race, gender, and class as an interlocking system of oppression. She talks about the lack of womens experiences as blood-mothers and other-mothers. The community reveals that there is a norm of a heterosexual, married couple, with a husband earning the money. This is far from being natural, universal, and preferred but instead is deeply embedded in specific race and class formations. Placing African American women in the center of analysis not only reveals much needed information ab out black womens experiences but also questions what perspective we give them. Black womens actions in group survival suggest a vision of community that stands in opposition to that extent in the dominant culture. This community is seen as arbitrary and fragile, structured accordingly by competition and domination. Afro-centric models of community stress connections, caring, and personal accountability. As cultural workers African American women have rejected the generalized ideology of domination in order to safeguard the conceptualizations of the community. According to Collins, black women have been unable to spend time theorizing about alternative conceptualizations of community. Instead, through daily actions black women have strongly created alternative communities that truly empower themselves. Experiences as mothers, other-mothers, educators, labor women, and community leaders seem to suggest that power as energy can be encouraged by resistance. In Fighting Words: Black Wome n and the Search for Justice, Collins states, The spheres of influence created and sustained by African American women are not mean to solely to provide a respite from oppressive situations or a retreat from their effects. Rather, these black female spheres of influence constitute potential sanctuaries where individual black women and men are nurtured in order to confront oppressive social institutions (Collins 56). Collins explores an astonishing range of ideas and images through history, sociology, and popular culture. Rather than debate the dominance of race versus sex in the history of social injustice to black women and other races; Collins offers a theory of Intersectionality, viewing race, gender, and sexuality together. She explores the social and personal implications of historical images and more current concerns about the influence of urban culture and how its glorified. Demonstrating how the politics of race has traditionally neglected concerns about gender and sexual orientation, Collins explores a range of issues, advocating certain aspects of cultural situations.

The Midlife Crises in Death of a Salesman, Alfred J. Prufrock, and Amer

The Midlife Crises in Death of a Salesman, Alfred J. Prufrock, and American Beauty      Ã‚  Ã‚   Disillusioned and disenchanted, both Arthur Miller's Willy Loman and American Beauty's Lester Burnham share sexual frustrations and a dissatisfied longing for their respective pasts, but Willy, like T.S. Eliot's equivocating Prufrock, is unable to move beyond the failures inherent in his mediocrity and instead retreats into his delusions.    On the surface, Willy and Lester have all the elements of settled, prosaic lives shaped from the pattern of the "American Dream": large homes in middle- or upper-class neighborhoods, successful children, loving wives. But under this facade, both share a need that has devastated men and engendered distrust in their families for generations: the extra-marital affair.    Willy's affair with The Woman is a crucial turning point in his relationship with Biff, his oldest son. When Biff catches Willy and his mistress, Willy first attempts to distract his son and then be rid of him. However, his attempted cover-up fails and forever shatters the idolatrous relationship between father and son. Willy: She's nothing to me Biff. I was lonely, I was terribly lonely. Biff: You... you gave her Mama's stockings! Willy: I gave you an order!... Biff: You fake! You phony little fake! You fake! (Miller 1850)    Biff's discovery of his father's indiscretions shatter the Loman family's fragile facade of middle-class happiness. Although Willy is genuinely remorseful for his conduct, neither his repeated refrains of "stop crying, I gave you an order!" (1850) nor his apologies can mend the rift between him and Biff. Yet even as Biff loses his football scholarship and wanders, not unlike hi... ...the passive salesman and the aggressive quitter. Where Willy Loman quickly makes society's ideals his own and then falls victim to his own dissatisfaction, Lester achieves happiness because he rejects the standards that society sets for a middle-aged man.    Works Cited American Beauty. Dir. Sam Mendes. Writ. Alan Ball. With Kevin Spacey and Annette Bening. Dreamworks SKG, 1999. Eliot, T.S.. "The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock." The Norton Anthology of English Literature. Ed. M.H. Abrams. New York: Norton, 1996. 2459-2463. Miller, Arthur.   Death of a Salesman.   New York: Viking, 1965. Millar, Jeff. "The Rise and Fall of Everyman: `American Beauty' Proves Potent Family Portrayal." Houston Chronicle 24 Sept. 1999, Star ed.: 1. Academic Universe. LEXISNEXIS. Madden Lib., Fresno, CA. 13 Apr. 2000   <http://web.lexis-nexis.com/universe/>.   

St. Louis Communities :: essays research papers

"Where do you live?" If you have ever met anyone in St. Louis, this is probably one of the first questions asked. Whether you are from the city, county, north, south, east or west, most people in St. Louis are convinced that they can identify you by what community you come from. The actual city of St. Louis is broken into three main parts; the North Side, South City and the Central West End. The three areas combined have approximately eighty established neighborhoods. If you decide to add the western part of St. Louis County, this number is most likely to double. Many areas of the city were originally established by separate ethnic groups while most others were developed by social groups. You don't have to be a genius to realize the area known as "Dutchtown" was established by German immigrants. However, it may not be so easy to identify areas such as "Dogtown" or "The Hill" as the Irish and Italian areas of town. The Central West End is historically a very liberal yet sophisticated part of the city. This area can be further subdivided into a middle class and a very wealthy area depending on which side of Kingshighway you live on. University City was started mainly by Washington University students and is still predominantly populated by area college kids. This portion of the city has also grown a subdivision known as "The Loop." The Loop is extremely liberal and thought of by most people as almost mysterious or bizarre. A new phenomenon happening in our city is the rebirth of many of our older and rundown areas. One of the best examples of this is the "Soulard" area of town, which now has an established nightlife as well as exquisite historical antique homes. Lafayette Square has also enjoyed the same type of success as Soulard. It is still in the middle of a high crime area, but is populated by upper-class people with beautiful homes with elaborate wrought iron fences and intricate security systems. This trend of fixing up old flats is spreading out from the areas of Soulard and Lafayette Square to neighboring communities at a rapid pace. The Compton Heights area is coming back with rebuilt old Victorian styled houses and private gated streets that contrast the French styled flats of Soulard. The Shaw and Tower Grove area are also following the lead of revitalization similar to these charming old neighborhoods.

Boys of Blood and Bone Essay

David Metzenthen’s Boys of Blood and Bone is an ambitious novel linking the stories of Henry Lyon, in the summer before he starts his first year of Law at university, and Andy Lansell, Australian digger killed in the Somme in 1918. Andy and Henry’s stories meet when Henry’s car breaks down in the small country town of Strattford on his way to a sailboarding weekend with his mates — and his disgruntled girlfriend Marcelle. While stuck in Strattford, Andy gets to know Trot and his girlfriend Janine and centenarian Cecelia Hainsworth, never-married fiancee of the long-dead Andy. Henry is given Andy’s diary to read, and finds himself fascinated bythe tragic story of this young man of his own age from another time, another world. The narrative of Boys of Blood and Bone alternates between Henry’s contemporary story and the war time experiences of Andy and his mates. The point is not so much that the two young men’s lives are directly paralled — it’s rather that the comparison of their stories points up the extreme difference between the experiences of the generations in question, and their attitudes to life and death. Henry’s moment of physical courage when he board sails into a wild and dangerous sea points up his reckless sense of immortality, as contrasted with the young soldiers’ rueful, resigned courage under the most extreme, nightmarish and unbelievable circumstances. Similarly, Henry’s one passionless sexual encounter contrasts powerfully against the diggers’ frank embracing of (as they know, possibly first and last) sexual opportunities with, it must be stressed, entirely willing young women. This is not to infer that the novel romanticises the past, or past generations at the expense of the current generation. Yet there is a sense of frustration with Henry’s somewhat aimless, even unambitious wandering through life, compared to Andy’s clear-sighted, focused recognition of what is required of him in his here and now. And don’t forget — we’re talking about 18 year olds here. Boys of Blood and Bone is on its surest ground in the chapters dedicated to Andy and the desperate, bloody battlefield of the Somme. Metzenthen’s year spent researching the war is evident, and the physical and emotional ordeal these young men is vividly realised (although Andy’s last day is dragged out a little too much in classic horror movie â€Å"I’m not dead yet! † style). Less well depicted is the romantic tribulations that form the core of Henry’s story. His conflict with Marcelle is presented, but not adequately explored; his subsequent romance is more fleshed-out and recognisable, yet this narrative thread still seems somewhat pale in comparison to the life and death circumstances of Andy and his mates. In the past decade or so, young Australians have demonstrated a genuine interest in the war-time experiences of their counterparts from decades ago. Attendances at ANZAC Day ceremonies and visits to Gallipoli have increased enormously, and there is a new-found respect for the war-time experiences of Australian service men and women in times gone by. In this context, Boys of Blood and Bone is bound to find an enthralled and open audience.

James Joyce. Araby

1. In Joyce's short story, the young narrator views Araby as a symbol of the mysteriousness and seduction of the Middle East. When he crosses the river to attend the bazaar and purchase a gift for the girl, it is as if he is crossing into a foreign land. But his trip to the bazaar disappoints and disillusions him, awakening him to the rigid reality of life around him. The boy’s dream to buy some little thing on bazaar is roughly divided on the callousness of adults who have forgotten about his request.And Dublin bazaar with alluring oriental-sounding name â€Å"Arabia† is a pathetic parody of the real holiday. 2. Although James Joyce’s story â€Å"Araby† is told from the first person viewpoint of its young protagonist, we do not think that a boy tells the story. Instead, the narrator seems to be a man matured well beyond the experience of the story. The mature man reminisces about his youthful hopes, desires, and frustrations.Because of the double focused narration of the story, first by the boy's experience, then by a mature experienced man, the story gives a wider portrait to using sophisticated irony and symbolic imagery necessary to analyze the boy's character. 3. Mangan's sister is the other central character in the story. The narrator shows us in ironic manner that in his youthful adoration of Mangan’s sister she is the embodiment of all his boyish dreams of the beauty, of physical desire and, at the same time, the embodiment of his adoration of all that is holy.Her image, constantly with him, makes him feel as though he bears a holy â€Å"chalice† through a â€Å"crowd of foes†Ã¢â‚¬â€œ the Saturday evening throng of drunken men, bargaining women, cursing laborers, and all the others who have no conception of the mystical beauty his young mind has created in this world of material ugliness. 4. Joyce very clearly defined his creative task in the â€Å"Dubliners†: â€Å"My intention was to write a cha pter of the spiritual history of my country, and I chose the scene of Dublin, because this city is the center of paralysis â€Å".The opening paragraph, setting the scene prepares us for the view we receive of the conflict between the loveliness of the ideal and the drabness of the actual. Long monotonous periods, the rhythm and the threefold repetition of the word â€Å"blind† in the sense of impasse and blind create comic discrepancy between the title of the story and its beginning. 5. James Joyce uses dark and gloomy references to create the exact mood or atmosphere. Dark time of day (night) is used throughout the story and darkness is the prevailing theme.Joyce writes repetitively of the dark as a direct representation of the boy’s life. The boy plays in the dark, he hides in the dark, and he lives in the dark. The darkness is where he comes to an epiphany, and where he matures as a boy. The narrator's perception of the darkness causes him to reflect on his own is olation and loneliness. The nameless boy’s destiny is in the darkness of Dublin, and Joyce knows there is no escaping this. In the end of the story, the boy suddenly awakens to the bleakness of the humdrum life around him.